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Prof Martin Kretschmer |
As readers know, EU legislature is considering a
reform of the relevant legislative framework for copyright. The IPKat is
delighted to host an analysis of the current debate by Prof Martin
Kretschmer (University of Glasgow and CREATe).
Here’s what Martin writes:
This post tries to shed
some light on what is going on behind the scene.
(CREATe’s earlier
contributions to the debate can be found here.)
At a recent visit to
Brussels I spoke at a lunch briefing for the copyright working group of the
European Council organised by the European Alliance
for Research Excellence (EARE) and had meetings with
MEPs, including with rapporteurs and shadow rapporteurs of Committees dealing
with the Copyright in the Digital Market Directive the most controversial of
the Commission’s proposals. I also attended the Meeting of the Legal Affairs
JURI on 23 March, the lead committee on the Directive, considering the draft report
of Rapporteur Therese Comodini Cachia (a Maltese MEP from the centre right European People’s Party EPP, the dominant group
in the European Parliament).
In the complicated process
of European law making (the “ordinary procedure”), the Commission proposes
legislation, the Parliament amends and then the Council approves (although the
Council can also adopt its own text, and send it back to Parliament; and the
Commission can change its proposal at any time). In practice, the development
of Parliament’s position runs in parallel to negotiations with the Commission
and Council. Proposed legislation is a
constantly moving target.
The interface between the
three EU bodies is the most intriguing, and least transparent aspect of this
process.
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MEP Comodini Cachia |
Timetable
and people
In the European Parliament,
the proposed Copyright in the Digital Market Directive (adopted by the
Commission on 14 September 2016) is at the Committee stage. Draft reports with
amendments have been tabled in four Committees: Culture and Education CULT, Internal
Market IMCO, Industry, Research and Energy ITRE, Legal
Affairs JURI, with a fifth committee LIBE (Civil
Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs) still becoming involved with an opinion
scheduled for end of May. It has been said that MEPs already have submitted close
to 1000 amendments. The sheer weight of translating these amendments may lead
to further delay, with an “exchange of views” in the JURI committee on 29/30
May the next important opportunity to test the political mood.
My understanding is that
following the completion of the Committee process, a so-called “compromise”
text drafted by the JURI rapporteur might be ready to be voted on during this
parliamentary session (ending in the second week of July). This coincides with
the current Maltese presidency of the European Council handing over to Estonia
for the next six months period from 1 July to 31 December 2017 (pre-Brexit, it
would have been the UK).
The Maltese Presidency in
its programme had committed to “take forward discussions on the copyright reform”
(here,
p. 28) but the Council (in practice, the Intellectual Property Attachés representing
each Member State) have only just begun the process with a discussion of the
proposed new exception for text and data mining (Article 3). I understand that most
member states have yet to communicate any positions on the most controversial
aspects of the Directive, the proposed introduction of an new exclusive right
for press publishers (Article 11), and changes to the liability regime for
platforms hosting user generated content (Article 13).
Informally, certain Member
States (Sweden, Baltic, Eastern European, UK) are not that keen on the new
publishers’ right (Art. 11), but many want something to be done about the money
YouTube (ie Google) pays to the content industry (Art. 13), with France having
a pretty entrenched position (discussed in Eleonora Rosati’s CREATe working
paper here).
It is very unlikely that the Council will arrive at a common position on the
Directive by the end of June.
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Commissioner Oettinger |
Meanwhile, there have been
crucial changes in the Commission. Günther Oettinger, the German Commissioner
behind Arts. 11 and 13 (and a compatriot
from my home state Baden-Württemberg) has been moved to become Commissioner of
Budget and Human Resources (as of 1 January 2017). Andrus Ansip, the liberal
former Estonian Prime Minister (and Vice-President for the Digital Single
Market) is now overseeing the copyright portfolio directly, and his team stands
for a more progressive copyright agenda. Ansip’s position though has not been
consistent, advocating cross border access and the integrity of the e-Commerce
Directive on the one hand while holding the Oettinger line on Arts. 11 and 13
in a recent
exchange of views in the Internal Market Committee.
It may be no coincidence
that the
Copyright Unit in DG CNECT (Digital Economy and Society) which “holds the pen”
in drafting the Directive also has had a change of leadership. Maria Martin-Prat
who was Head of the Copyright Unit since 2011 has been appointed
in February as Director for Services
and Investment, Intellectual Property and Public Procurement in DG TRADE.
Marco Giorello (who played a part in the Orphan
Works Directive and in the progress of the Marrakesh Treaty for the
visually impaired) is currently Acting Head of the Copyright Unit.
Committee
reports
In the Internal Market
Committee (IMCO, with joint responsibility for Art. 13, only advisory on the
rest of the directive), the draft report by rapporteur Catherine Stihler (S&D
Group, Scottish Labour) was discussed on Monday March 13th. Her
report takes note of the consensus expressed in an open letter
by European research institutes on 24 February last. Art. 11, the misconceived
new right for press publishers, is deleted. Regarding Art. 13, the reference to
content ID has been removed as well as language that may undermine the
E-Commerce Directive. On Art. 3 (text and data mining) the restrictions
relating to beneficiary and purpose (“research organisations” “for the purposes
of scientific research”) have been removed.
There was support in IMCO
for Stihler’s sensible positions from the Liberals (ALDE), Greens and the Conservatives
and Reformists Group, led here by the British Tories. Only the EPP shadow rapporteur
wanted the publishers right restored. However, from the amendments
submitted, it becomes clear that Ms Stihler also faces resistance from within
her own party, as S&D MEPs Marc Tarabella, Virginie Rozière, Hugues Bayet
proposed to extend the retroactive protection of Article 11 to 70 years (see AM
442).
Ms Comodini (EPP Malta),
rapporteur for JURI, the lead committee, presented her draft report on
Wednesday, 22 March. Again, this is a very sensible report, a great improvement
on the Commission’s proposals. The treatment of Art. 11 follows the academics’
suggestion to focus on giving press publishers standing to sue rather than
a new right. The amendments to Art. 13 seek to safeguard the E-Commerce
directive. The text and data mining exception under Art. 3 is amended to be
available to any person who has lawful access.
The JURI meeting on 22 March
was quite an irregular session. I have participated in quite a few committee
meetings in the European Parliament but this one was particularly strange.
After Comodini’s report, rather than having the response from the shadow rapporteurs
of the major groups (Social Democrats S&D, Liberals ALDE, Greens,
Conservatives), the chair gave the floor early to two other EPP MEPs (the same
party as the rapporteur) and later a French socialist who all appear to have
been briefed by the press publishers’ lobbyists. The meeting also had been
rescheduled to a different time at very short notice, and the new schedule was not
online until the meeting had started.
During the JURI meeting,
there was also a formal Hearing on the new mandatory exceptions in the
Directive. Among others, Prof Alain Strowel (UCLouvain) spoke,
advocating broadly the position
of the European Copyright Society with respect to the exception for text and
data mining: analysing the informational content of copyright works should not
be considered a copyright relevant use.
In Articles 14, 15 and 16 the Proposed Directive uses weak
language that seek to improve the contractual position of authors and
performers. Vague obligations on Member States to improve transparency about
modes of exploitation and revenues, and to enable additional remuneration for
best selling works or performances are unlikely to be effective. The amendments
proposed by the rapporteurs have not been able to make much progress here. A
more effective approach would focus on the reversion of rights to the creator
after specific periods (the United States under the 1976 Act provides for a
process for the termination of transfers of copyright after 35 years, a clause
that is currently being
tested in the courts in a series of cases).
Regarding the freedom of
users to engage, there are proposals from the CULT committee to consider exceptions
for remix (“user-generated content may comprise extracts of copyright-protected
works in a way that is not harmful for the rightholders”) and the so-called
freedom of panorama (“non-commercial digital
reproduction and use of works, such as works of architecture or sculpture, made
to be located permanently in public places”). The panorama exception was
the source of heated debate during the adoption of the Reda report in
2015).
Competent analysis and
links to all committee draft reports can be found here (whether you agree or
not):
The Publishers’ position
can be found under various identities, including:
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Not an MEP (yet) |
What
next?
It is difficult to predict how
the politics of EU copyright reform will work out. There is a tremendous amount
of noise and misinformation, such as dressing “fake news” as a copyright issue
(which can only be characterised as cynical). Judging from my conversations in
Brussels, the tide has started to turn in the European Parliament but clearly,
policy makers find it hard to access independent evidence. The copyright stakes
are high enough for parties to invest in disproportionate lobbying. For
academics, exposure to this dynamic is uncomfortable and perhaps risky but we’ll
continue to communicate independent research as clearly as we can.
The EU should be held to
what Commission President Juncker set out his Mission Letter to Günther Oettinger
on his appointment as Commissioner for Digital Economy and Society on 1 November
2014. True copyright reform should focus on the creative potential of European
citizens and industry.
In Juncker’s words –“Copyright
rules should be modernised, during the first part of this mandate, in the light
of the digital revolution, new consumer behaviour and Europe’s cultural
diversity.”
It is still (just about)
possible to arrive at a copyright reform that allows us to keep faith in the
European Union’s ability for policy making (much needed in Brexit times),
For a hard look at the
forces that are changing the shape of the digital creative industries, join
CREATe’s new Copyright and Innovation network launching on 26 May at the Digital Catapult
in London.”
Whilst it has become the norm to criticise the EU law making process, picture this -would Kretchmer and others have had such immediate proximity or access to those who can directly influence law making (for good or for bad) in either Germany (where he is from) or the UK? Both jurisdictions have remote and removed systems. The German system with its powerful lander and vested local interests which has elements of the EU process), combined with the federal system is very slow.
ReplyDeleteThe UK Committee process is remarkable for the quality of its reports, and its enquiries but that does not feed into the adopted law and should not be mistaken for it. The passage and adoption of law is far far removed from the average punter and whilst the quality of the drafting is better vetted by tradition, it is not beyond criticism as several judges have opined over the years. A number of UK judges have-shock, horror- asked why in implementing directives the UK legislator has departed from the text and made it more inaccessible. However, that is another matter.
Once you elect an MP, you are in their hands. You don't get a look in. And if the ruling party has a huge majority -forget it. Often, UK citizens/interest have been able to get what they want via Brussels. Of course, the prevailing opinion is having more than one means for the democratic process is not what a sovereign nations wants anymore.
The Parliamentary schedule is already slipping: The exchange of views on the amendments in the JURI committee has been moved from May to June 19/20, and the Committee won't vote on a compromise report before September. See https://juliareda.eu/eu-copyright-reform/
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